Top Colleges Don’t Represent America’s Diversity. How Bad Is It?

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By JEREMY ASHKENAS, HAEYOUN PARK and ADAM PEARCE, The NYTimes

Even after decades of affirmative action, black and Hispanic students are more underrepresented at the nation’s top colleges and universities than they were 35 years ago, according to a New York Times analysis.

The share of black freshmen at elite schools is virtually unchanged since 1980. Black students are just 6 percent of freshmen but 15 percent of college-age Americans, as the chart below shows.

More Hispanics are attending elite schools, but the increase has not kept up with the huge growth of young Hispanics in the United States, so the gap between students and the college-age population has widened.

The Times analysis includes 100 schools ranging from public flagship universities to the Ivy League. For both blacks and Hispanics, the trend extends back to at least 1980, the earliest year that fall enrollment data was available from the National Center for Education Statistics.

Blacks and Hispanics have gained ground at less selective colleges and universities but not at the highly selective institutions, said Terry Hartle, a senior vice president at the American Council on Education, which represents more than 1,700 colleges and universities.

The courts have ruled that colleges and universities can consider race or ethnicity “as one element in a holistic admissions policy, so it’s something that can be considered, but it’s not a magic bullet,” he said.

Affirmative action increases the numbers of black and Hispanic students at many colleges and universities, but experts say that persistent underrepresentation often stems from equity issues that begin earlier.

Elementary and secondary schools with large numbers of black and Hispanic students are less likely to have experienced teachers, advanced courses, high-quality instructional materials and adequate facilities, according to the United States Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights.

“There’s such a distinct disadvantage to begin with,” said David Hawkins, an executive director at the National Association for College Admission Counseling. “A cascading set of obstacles all seem to contribute to a diminished representation of minority students in highly selective colleges.”

The Ivy League

 Black students make up 9 percent of the freshmen at Ivy League schools but 15 percent of college-age Americans, roughly the same gap as in 1980. (A category for multiracial students, introduced in 2008, has slightly reduced the share of black students.)

At all eight schools, white enrollment declined as Asian enrollment increased. In recent years, the growth of Asian enrollment has slowed at some schools, and some Asian-American students say they are being held to a higher standard.

The number of Hispanic and black freshmen on the University of California campuses declined immediately after California’s affirmative action ban took effect, especially at the most sought-after campuses, said Stephen Handel, associate vice president for undergraduate admissions. The system put the ban in place in 1998.

Even now, both Hispanics and blacks are least represented at Berkeley, the most selective campus. On seven campuses, Hispanics now make up a quarter or more of the freshmen, but that’s still far below their share of the college-age population in the state, which is close to 50 percent.

“Despite the progress the U.C. has made in assembling a more diverse student body, a lot of work remains to be done so that all U.C. campuses reflect the true diversity of the state,” Mr. Handel said in an email.

Top Liberal Arts Colleges

Over all, the share of black and Hispanic students at liberal arts colleges is similar to that at other top schools. Both blacks and Hispanics have gained ground in a handful of colleges, such as Amherst and Pomona.

Other Top Universities

Blacks and Hispanics remain underrepresented at other top universities, even as the share of white students at many of these schools has dropped, in some cases below 50 percent. The largest growth has often been among Asian students.

For example, the share of white freshmen at Rice University in Houston, which was exclusively white until the mid-1960s, declined to 42 percent in 2015 from 87 percent in 1980. Meanwhile, the share of Asian students rose to 30 percent in 2015 from 3 percent in 1980.

Public Flagship Universities

Black students remain underrepresented in a number of flagships in states with a large share of college-age residents who are black.

For example, in Mississippi, Louisiana, Georgia and South Carolina, blacks represent about a third or more of each state’s college-age population but less than 15 percent of the freshman enrollment at the flagship university.

At the University of South Carolina’s Columbia campus, black freshman enrollment has declined significantly over the last 15 years. Students on campus have protested racial inequalities.

Many public flagship universities draw students from the state or region, rather than the entire country. While black freshman enrollment at schools like West Virginia University and the University of Nebraska are low, they are on par with the college-age population in those states.

Notes: Data in charts are for undergraduates enrolled in the fall for the first time at four-year universities that grant degrees. From 1980 to 1993, data for students whose race or ethnicity was unknown has been redistributed across other groups.

Students whose race is unknown and international students are excluded from totals. The multiracial category, which was introduced in 2008, and the Native American category are shown when either group is ever above 5 percent of total enrollment.

Enrollment for each racial and ethnic group is reported by the schools, and may be incorrect or not add up to 100 percent. Years in which the total of the groups enrolled was less than 90 percent or more than 110 percent are excluded from the charts. Years in which any single group exceeded 100 percent are also excluded.

Population data for 1990 to 2015 are for 18-year-olds. Population data for 1980 is for 17- to 21-year-olds with high school degrees. The population and enrollment data do not consistently count multiracial or Native American students. To account for this, the percentages on the gap charts use only Asian, black, Hispanic and white counts in the denominator.

Your Editor Encourages: Our Latino leaders, wherever they are, must dream up initiatives to help Hispanics improve education levels.

Phoenix Becomes Illegal Alien Sanctuary after Leftist Group Orders it in Private Meeting with Police Chief

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By MAGGIE HABERMAN

Arizona’s largest city recently became a sanctuary for illegal aliens after its police chief held a private meeting with a leftist group that demanded a change in immigration enforcement policies, records obtained by Judicial Watch show. The closed-door session between Phoenix Police Chief Jeri Williams and Will Goana, policy director for the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Arizona, occurred just weeks before the Phoenix Police Department quietly implemented a new policy banning officers from contacting the feds after arresting an illegal alien and forbidding them from asking about suspects’ immigration status. The new order violates key provisions of a state law upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court and leaves the city vulnerable to costly lawsuits.

Judicial Watch exposed the abrupt policy revision last month after obtaining a copy of the Phoenix Police Department’s new sanctuary Immigration Procedures and filed a public records request to uncover the steps that led to the change. Law enforcement sources told Judicial Watch in July that the revisions were crafted by a Hispanic advisory committee that promotes open borders with the backing of the influential ACLU. It appears to be part of a broader scheme to dodge federal immigration laws in Arizona’s most populous county. Earlier this year Judicial Watch reported that the newly elected sheriff in Maricopa County, which includes Phoenix, was releasing hundreds of criminal illegal immigrants—including violent offenders—from county jail facilities to protect them from deportation.

The new records obtained by Judicial Watch show that an ACLU offshoot known as People Power attempted to meet with Williams, who became chief on October 28, 2016, on April 19, 2017 to order the policy change. It’s not clear if that meeting took place, but it appears that it did not and People Power called in the big guns at the ACLU. That’s when Goana, who also lobbies the Arizona legislature on civil liberties issues, met privately with the chief, on May 9, according to the records. People Power reps followed up with a meeting request on May 16 to discuss the Phoenix Police Department’s immigration policy changes with Chief Williams, the records show. The meeting occurred on June 9, about a week after Phoenix City Manager Ed Zuercher met with People Power and gave the group a glowing review. In his assessment, the city manager describes the leftist group as “one of the most reasonable groups I’ve talked with” and says it consisted of “a former high school teacher, a magazine editor, 2 attys, a massage therapist, and two Hispanic advocates who I’ve never seen before.” On June 29, Chief Williams had a follow-up meeting with the ACLU and People Power regarding the changes to the immigration policy, the records show.

People Power was launched by the ACLU as a direct response to the “Trump administration’s attacks on civil liberties and civil rights.” It recruits local activists to pressure law enforcement and elected officials to commit to the following demands: Not ask people about immigration status; Decline to engage in the enforcement of immigration law; Refuse to detain immigrants on behalf of the federal government unless there is a warrant signed by a judge. Thanks in large part to the group’s efforts, the 3,000 officers in the Phoenix Police Department have been stripped of discretion from addressing the crime of illegal immigration or using sound judgement when it involves suspects thought to be in the U.S. illegally. No other federal crime in department policy has those restrictions. Officers continue to have the discretion to contact the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Secret Service, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), Postal Inspectors, U.S. Marshalls and Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) without fear of violating department policy.

Allowing officers to use their discretion when dealing with criminal aliens has been an effective tool in curbing crime. In 2008, former Phoenix Police Chief Jack Harris revealed that a 24% decrease in homicides and a 26% decrease in auto thefts could be partly attributed to “a new immigration policy that allows our officers to use their discretion when dealing with criminal aliens” and “unprecedented cooperation between our investigative units and our state, federal, and local partners (Maricopa County Attorney’s Office).” Border patrol contacts in the Tucson Sector reported that in the same fiscal year (2008 – October to September) they saw a 41% decrease in border apprehensions. Nevertheless, on July 24 the new restrictive immigration policy went into effect at the Phoenix Police Department at the request of an open borders coalition. Now officers can’t even use the term “illegal alien,” which has been officially replaced with “unlawfully present.”

Trump Winery Says It Has Nothing to Do With Trump

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by Daniela Galarza

The winery that bears Donald Trump’s name, which is located in Charlottesville, Virginia, has long denied having anything to do with the current president of the United States.

Earlier this week during a press conference meant to address a number of recent events — including the tragedy that occurred in Charlottesville over the weekend — instead of denouncing racism and hate speech, Donald Trump essentially bragged about Trump Winery.

Trump: I own a house in Charlottesville. Does anyone know I own a house in Charlottesville?

Reporter: Where is it?

Trump: Oh, boy, it’s going to be — it’s in Charlottesville, you’ll see.

Reporter: Is it in the winery or something?

Trump: It’s a — it is the winery.

[Reporters shout questions.]

Trump: I mean, I know a lot about Charlottesville. Charlottesville is a great place that’s been very badly hurt over the last couple of days. I own — I own actually one of the largest wineries in the United States that’s in Charlottesville.

But as Daily Show host Trevor Noah pointed out in 2016 and the Independent confirmed this week, Trump Winery is not affiliated with Donald Trump. According to the Trump Winery website, it is owned and managed by an LLC named Eric Trump Wine Manufacturing, and is “not owned, managed or affiliated with Donald J. Trump”:

Trump Winery is a registered trade name of Eric Trump Wine Manufacturing LLC, which is not owned, managed or affiliated with Donald J. Trump, The Trump Organization or any of their affiliates

Trump got into the wine business back in 2011 when he purchased Kluge Estate Winery. He initially kept founder and owner Patricia Kluge on board, but dismissed her a year later when he passed the business off to his son Eric.

Fake winery news aside, Trump has an unethical habit of mixing his personal business with policy matters. Whether entertaining heads of state at the restaurants inside his D.C. hotel, hosting foreign dignitaries at his properties, or plugging his businesses during official statements Trump has more conflicts of interest than hairs on his head.

The past week has actually impacted his bottom line. The value of the Trump “brand,” which he once said is worth billions, has taken a bath since he declared that some “fine people” were protesting alongside the neo-Nazis and white supremacists at the University of Virginia

Your Editor Muses: Is it possible the BRAND is losing benefits?

Report: Donald Trump May End DACA Amnesty

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by NEIL MUNRO, Axios

President Donald Trump may soon end the controversial DACA amnesty for almost 800,000 illegals, according to a new report in Axios.
President Trump is seriously considering ending DACA, the Obama-era policy that shields some illegal immigrants from deportation, before conservative state attorneys general file a court challenge to the program.

Sources familiar with the deliberations tell Axios that Trump has made no final decision, and the White House continues to receive advice from the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice. Jeff Sessions strongly believes Trump should end DACA; DHS, however, has a more nuanced position, and Trump himself has said he’s sympathetic to the children helped by the program.

What is DACA? Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals — a program Obama introduced that shields illegal immigrants from deportation and temporarily gives them permits to work and study in the U.S., so long as they arrived as children.

Why this matters: If Trump rescinds the program, it will affect a huge number of people. At least 750,000 people currently have DACA status. Despite promising on the campaign trail to immediately rescind DACA, Trump has wavered since taking office, saying he feels for these children who were brought to the country through no fault of their own. The Trump administration has continued to issue new permits under the program, and with its future unclear, many families are confused and anxious about their futures.

What the administration believes: The Trump administration doesn’t believe it has the legal authority to maintain the current program; and DHS has made clear that if Congress wants to keep the principles of DACA in place, it would need to introduce legislation to do so.

What’s prompting Trump: On June 29, Texas AG Ken Paxton sent a letter — co-signed by 10 other attorneys general from conservative states — to Attorney General Jeff Sessions, in which they “respectfully” request that the Secretary of Homeland Security phase out the DACA program; warning that they’ll otherwise amend an existing lawsuit to challenge the program in court.

Asked about that threat, Sessions told Fox and Friends: “I like it that our states and localities are holding the federal government to account, expecting us to do what’s our responsibility to the state and locals and that’s to enforce the law.”

The amnesty was created by former President Barack Obama in the run-up to the June 2012 election. Trump has continued the program since his inauguration, despite a 2016 campaign promise to quickly end the program.  So far, almost 800,000 younger illegals — including many in their 30s and 40s — have gotten two-year work permits via the DACA amnesty.

A group of 10 state Attorneys General has said they will extend a successful lawsuit against Obama’s 2014 ‘DAPA’ amnesty to include the DACA amnesty on September 5. The lawsuit is likely to kill the DACA program because it has already ended the ‘DAPA’ amnesty for roughly 4 million parents of native-born children.

If Trump formally ends the DACA program, he can either cancel outright the outstanding 800,000 DACA work permits or else slowly wind the program down over the next two years by not renewing the two-year DACA work permits.

By ending the DACA program, Trump also gains more leverage to force the Democrats to accept passage of his  RAISE Act immigration and economic reform in 2018.

Pro-American immigration reformers worry Trump may trade his campaign-trail opposition to the DACA amnesty in exchange for a one-time appropriation of funding for his border wall in 2017. Under this “trinkets” scenario, Trump would agree to a deal in which Congress would establish a permanent amnesty for roughly 1.5 million current and future DACA recipients, in exchange for approving 2018 funds to build a small stretch of the border wall.

Reportedly, Trump’s top aides want a deal on DACA so that Democrats accept legislation offering tax cuts for major business interests.

Your Editor Warns: Dismantling again. Building?  Only the Wall.  

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